Prakash Karat
Student Struggle (SS): What were the important features of the international situation in the seventies, which were relevant to the student movement?
Prakash Karat (PK): The first half of the seventies was dominated by the national liberation struggle in South Vietnam. The indomitable struggle of the Vietnamese people against US aggression had a profound impact on the student movement internationally and in our country. The decade witnessed the historic triumph of the Vietnam struggle, and the successful liberation of the Indo-Chinese peoples and many countries in Africa, such as Angola, Mozambique, Guinea Bissau and Ethiopia. These brought about a decisive change in the international balance of forces to strengthen the forces of anti-imperialism and peace. Alongside, in the first half of the seventies, the international situation saw the process of détente, where imperialism was forced to relax tensions and recognise the growing strength of the USSR and the Socialist countries. The seventies also saw the development of the most profound all-round crisis of the world capitalist system. The aggravation of the crisis saw the stepping up of the arms race and military preparations by US imperialism, followed by a reversal of détente.
In the eighties, under President Ronald Reagan, a full-fledged drive began to step up the arms race and develop new offensive missiles. In the seventies, the Socialist Bloc was strong, but in the eighties for a variety of reasons, the reversal began.
SS: What about the national situation?
PK: To sum it up briefly, the decade began with the new, radical postures of the Indian National Congress under Indira Gandhi, consequent to the split in the ruling party and its sweeping victory in the 1971 general elections.
It also saw the emergence of the Left as a determined force which withstood the wave, particularly in West Bengal. The emergence of the Left led by the CPI(M) as the major opposition force was in the background of the most vicious attack on the Left in West Bengal. The major part of the seventies, up to the end of the Emergency, saw the systematic semi-fascist terror launched against the Left forces in the state. This attack presaged the growing authoritarianism of the ruling Congress, which culminated in the Emergency in 1975.
The fight against authoritarianism and for the defence of democracy was a major political issue in this period. It saw the imposition of the Emergency after the bankruptcy of the Indira Congress’s populist rhetoric was exposed and also the united fight put up against the danger of authoritarianism. This resulted in the victory of the Janata Party and its brief spell in government. Contrasted to the short-lived Janata experiment was the emergence of the Left Front governments in 1977 in West Bengal and Tripura, which became the advanced outposts of democracy and for implementation of alternative policies to those of the Congress (I). It is the character of these governments and fronts which have ensured their durability and attraction for people all over the country.
SS: What were the main issues taken up by the Indian student movement in the period?
PK: The period 1973 to 1975 saw widespread student struggles in a scale and intensity which was more than a similar outburst in 1965-66. These struggles had as their focus – cheap and mass education to enable students to pursue their education; struggles to reform the educational system; and finally, the defence of democratic rights and fight against the government’s anti-people policies.
The seventies saw the expansion of the organised, democratic student movement. This was reflected in the growth of the Students’ Federation of India (SFI) since its foundation conference in December 1970. The SFI led many mass movements in defence of the economic and educational demands of students. The economic crisis deepened in the first half of the seventies and the student movement had to struggle to ensure cheap textbooks, notebooks and other educational material for students, for cheaper kerosene in villages, for mid-day meals, etc. All these were directed to make education accessible to the common people. Further, the progressive student movement, and the SFI in particular, fought for educational reforms and to make a mass democratic and scientific educational system a reality. It was also in the forefront in the defence of students’ rights in an atmosphere of growing authoritarianism.
Another major issue which confronted the student movement was the new orientation of government policy. With the deteriorating economic situation and a growing number of the educated unemployed, the Congress government at the Centre and in the states began resorting to fee hikes, restriction of entry in educational institutions, and halting the trend towards the abolition of fees in the secondary school stage. The student movement had to fight against these anti-student measures, and struggles took place on the broad issue of defending the right to education. Big struggles were led by the SFI in West Bengal, Kerala, Tripura, Andhra and Punjab in this period. This served to channelise student discontent along democratic lines.
On the international plane, the solidarity campaign with Vietnam was undertaken by the SFI, and no other organisation took the issue to students in such a big way.
Apart from the organised movements, two major student uprisings were the “Nav Nirman” movement and the “Chatra Sangharsh Samiti” movement led by Jayaprakash Narayan in Bihar. The Gujarat student movement became a popular mass movement against the Chimmanbhai Patel ministry. It was sought to be crushed by bullets and repression. Scores died in police repression, but it failed to crush the popular upsurge and the government had to step down. However, in the absence of a strong democratic students’ organisation to guide it along the right lines and take it forward, there was no lasting influence of this movement. The same Chimmanbhai Patel became a Janata leader later! The Bihar movement had a wider impact and it played an important role in mobilising the anti-authoritarian forces. The fact that thousands of students participated in these two struggles shows the deep impact of the Congress’ harmful policies and growing authoritarianism which drew the mass of students into these movements. These were paralleled by the big mass mobilisation undertaken by the SFI and its allies in West Bengal, Kerala, Assam, Andhra Pradesh, etc., on their day to day issues.
SS: Can you tell us more about the SFI’s role and development in this period?
PK: The SFI began with a membership of 1.24 lakhs in 1970 and by the Third Conference in Patna in 1979, its membership rose to 4.12 lakhs. Behind this was steady organisational growth in many new states. The SFI was in the forefront of struggles for democratic rights and the defence of democracy.
In West Bengal, the SFI played a heroic role against the reign of terror which was extended to the educational institutions in the period of semi-fascism. Hundreds of SFI activists had to leave the institutions, and teachers were murdered. Yet, the SFI fought against the anarchy sought to be fostered by the Chhatra Parishad-Youth Congress hoodlums and the Naxalites. It was the most difficult but glorious period in the history of the SFI. Because of its tenacious work, the SFI retained its links with the students and continued its mass activities.
The Emergency was preceded by growing militancy in student struggles. Due to the SFI’s prominent role in the defence of democracy and students’ rights, the Emergency saw a severe attack on the organisation’s leadership and cadre. Nine of the CEC members, including the Secretaries of Kerala, Assam, Orissa, and Presidents of Tripura and Orissa were jailed under the Maintenance of Internal Security Act (MISA); four other CEC members were wanted; over 60 cadres of the SFI all over the country were detained under MISA, and hundreds had Domestic Incident Report (DIR) cases against them; in Kerala alone, over 600 hundreds of DIRs were filed against the SFI activists; along with this, hundreds of SFI cadres were denied admission in educational institutions. The SFI, despite all the attacks, continued to organise activities and protest actions during the Emergency.
The struggle of the students of the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), under the SFI-led JNU Students’ Union (JNUSU) against the Emergency period attacks was a notable chapter of the student movement. The JNUSU President and another SFI activist were jailed under MISA.
The SFI brought out an alternative plan for the educational system as early as 1973, from the primary stage to the university stage. After the third conference in Patna in 1979, the SFI took important initiatives to unite with other student organisations on questions of war and peace, national unity, employment for all, etc.
The first important step was the joint student-youth convention on democratic rights, educational reforms and unemployment in April 1979.
SS: What would be the main lessons from the decade?
PK: From the experience of the Emergency and authoritarian attacks, the student movement learned that the preservation and extension of educational and democratic rights is inextricably connected with the defence of democracy in general and the struggle against authoritarianism. Apart from uniting with other democratic forces in society, it also brought about the realisation of the need for a wider unity of students’ organisations and for united struggles. It is only after the Emergency that the SFI also seriously oriented itself to this task as was done at the Patna conference. The earlier preoccupation with building its independent strength was now coupled with the necessity to unite with other students’ organisations for effective intervention.
One of the barriers to united struggles during this period was the approach and role of the All India Students’ Federation (AISF). Their wrong approach to the questions of the defence of democracy and authoritarianism, and its lining up with the Congress against the oppositional student movements prevented any vital unity of the progressive sections of the student community. This could be overcome only after the Emergency.
Secondly, those organisations which had purveyed the ruling class’ idea that students should be kept away from politics, such as the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), soon had to give up this stand. The SFI’s consistent stand that students should participate in politics and choose the correct political platform to defend their rights from and reform education, get employment etc., found widespread acceptance.
Thirdly, the fight against retrograde educational policy measures of the government – right from its formulation stage, rather than reacting to its implementation university-wise, and institution-wise – was initiated. The efforts by the SFI to pose alternative policies to the Sixth Plan prescription and its later effort by the end of the decade to unite with other organisations to adopt common positions on issues vital to the students showed that the degree of organisation and consciousness was growing.
Prakash Karat was the President of the SFI from 1974 to 1979.
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