#FarmersFightBack: A Historic Struggle Against The Indian State
Vikram Singh
India is witnessing a historic struggle by the farmers against the three farm laws and the Electricity (Amendment) Bill, introduced by the BJP-led central government. We must understand that the struggle is unprecedented in more ways than one. When I’m writing this at 11.30 at night, more than 1.5 lakh people — old, young, children, women, sick, persons with disabilities — are sitting at the borders of Delhi, under the open sky, for the last seven days in the extremely chilly month of December. There are more than 4800 vehicles for 12 kilometres at the Tikri border on the Delhi Rohtak Highway, and nearly 12000 vehicles on the 18 kilometres of NH 1 (Delhi Chandigarh Highway) at the Singhu Border. Their determination and conviction to struggle are unique, against today’s values of individualism and uncertainty — a typical by-product of the capitalist system.
Farmers have fought police brutality, including lathi charges, water cannons, tear gas and mass arrests on false charges, with inspiring courage and braving the cold winter. It is shocking to note that the Haryana government went against the federal character of the constitution by openly stating that they will not allow the farmers from Punjab to cross Haryana. The farmers, however, defeated all the hurdles created by the police, including ditches dug across the highway — exposing the Haryana government’s anti-peasant character.
Determined Struggle
People outside Delhi are rightly worried about the protests and the brutal assault on the protesting farmers. There are many apprehensions and concerns cast about the sustainability of the struggle but the enthusiasm and determination of the protesters tell a different story. They are calm, composed yet determined with full mental and material preparation. Their vehicles are (mostly trollies) filled with rations and their hearts with courage. Despite all uncertainties, they are firm, a result of their conviction for the cause. The pictures of agitating farmers raising slogans in full spirit and loud voice, aggressively breaking barricades, passionately overcoming all hurdles are attracting and inspiring people all over India but much more inspiration should be drawn from their patience and strong will power.
The youth are participating in large numbers and with full responsibility. This is against the general narrative that youth is not concerned about the land and not interested in agriculture. This is the youth of Punjab fully concerned about their land, agriculture and struggles to defend it. Protesters are filled with anger against the government policies but have never resorted to violence, despite the provocation by the police.
Background of the Struggle
When the whole world was fighting against the pandemic and the elected government of many countries were standing with their citizens, spending resources on the public sector and social welfare measures going against the character of their neoliberal state economy, as it was the need of the hour. Contrary to this government in India, under the leadership of Narendra Modi used this situation inhumanly and cunningly to implement the next stage of the neoliberal agenda to benefit the corporates. The government passed various anti-people laws and policy decisions at a time when people were forced to confine themselves to their homes. Working classes and its hard-earned rights are under attack and the whole agricultural sector is being reshaped to benefit the corporate leaving the farmers on the mercy of cruel market dictates.
Under these circumstances, when the number of patients and deaths due to Covid-19 was on the rise, the union cabinet proposed three farm bills and subsequently passed it in both the houses of Parliament. Going against all Parliamentary procedures and democratic values, these three bills were passed in the Rajya Sabha, through a voice vote. These three Laws, ‘Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Bill, 2020’, ‘Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Bill, 2020’ and ‘The Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act, 2020’.
A close look at these laws brings forth the worries and agony of the agricultural community. The main contention with the laws is explained in brief as much has been written. The Acts will put farmers at the mercy of agri-businesses, large retailers and exporters. These will remove all regulation or controls on private players and agri-businesses. These Acts in itself are a direct attack against federal principles of our country and infringes on the rights of the state governments, as Agriculture is a State subject.
BJP is claiming that ‘Farming Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Ordinance, 2020’ has freed the farmers and all the mainstream media carried the headline “freedom’ of the farmers to ‘sell their produce to anybody at any price’ but the reality is “freedom to the corporates to purchase any produce from any farmer at any price”.
The APMC Acts were introduced in the 1960s and 1970s to put a check on the monopoly powers of large traders and big buyers who historically used their economic power and extra-economic means to buy grain from poor farmers at low prices. The APMC Acts introduced a system of auctions, which were designed to bring competition in the purchase of agricultural produce. There are many limitations in its implementation but allowing the traders and big buyers to buy produce outside the notified markets directly from farmers would mean that the produce would be purchased without auctions and through bilateral negotiations between large traders and poor peasants. Such a system would be inherently biased against the interests of farmers who will not get remunerative prices. The law nowhere mentions that the price should not be lower than MSP. It is not even guaranteeing the price given at APMC. Nowhere in the laws, there is any mention of MSP and C2+50%.
The Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020 is to facilitate contract farming where a firm or individual called sponsor lends inputs such as seed, fertilizers, credit or extension to a farmer (producer) in exchange for exclusive purchasing rights over the specific crop. It is a forward contract between sponsor (buyer) and producer. The farming community would be left at the mercy of the market and the so-called sponsors will have sole monopoly on the produce of the farmers. The terms and conditions of the agreement would favour the sponsor owing to the present policies and the pathetic condition of the farming community. Most of the farmers are marginal farmers who would be rendered helpless. In its name, the law talks of price assurance but there is no mention of Minimum Support Price. The basis of fixation of the price is left ambiguous. It is open to varied factors in the name of price changes or other such criteria. It gives complete freedom to the sponsor to dictate the prices to the producer. This Act makes a provision to constitute a Dispute Settlement Authority with Sub-divisional magistrate and three other members are the only provisions of the dispute settlement. The Civil Court has been restricted to entertain any suit related to matters of this act. This is a mechanism, which will always favour the sponsor rather than the farmer, especially small, and marginal farmers will be rendered helpless. Finally, this Act will enslave the farmers eternally to produce as per the demand and requirement of the agri-businesses which mainly would be the crops best suited for export to maximize the profits.
Amendments to the Essential Commodities Act (ECA) will remove commodities like cereals, pulses, oilseeds, edible oils, onion and potatoes from the list of essential commodities. This will not only emerge as a threat to food security but in the context of the above laws, also allow traders and agribusinesses to buy unlimited quantities directly from farmers and hoard even in times of emergencies. This was the single most important Act to prevent hoarding of essential commodities particularly in times of crisis such as the present pandemic. The consumers will be inevitably affected and we can visualize artificial scarcity, hoarding and black-marketing as well as price rise with such uncontrolled power to the agribusinesses.
Far-Reaching Implications of Acts
These three farm acts will not only affect farmers but will have far-reaching implications on the lives and livelihood of agricultural workers to a large extent. The long-awaited question of land redistribution will take a new dimension. Tenant farmers, who come largely from agricultural families, will be directly affected as after adopting contract farming, they will not find any land as big corporates will have a monopoly in the farming and they will be entering in direct contract with the landowners (producers) only. With the corporatization of agriculture, there would be more mechanization, which will reduce working days for agricultural workers. With the corporatization of agriculture, more emphasis will be on the cash crops or crops more suitable for export than food grains. There will be a reduction in government procurement while promoting private purchasing in absence of government Market yards with the dilution of APMC act is a threat for national food security. This will directly affect the Public Distribution System, a vital aspect of ensuring food for all.
All India Struggle
The enactment of three farm acts and four labour codes denotes the surrender of the Modi government before big capital. The State has abdicated its responsibility on food security, guaranteed procurement of farm produce at remunerative Minimum Support Price (MSP) and provision of minimum wages. The fundamental right of forming trade unions and collective bargaining of workers against exploitation is being subverted. These legislations have to be resisted tooth and nail by the peasants and workers across the country. This situation demanded mass and united resistance by people and people’s organisations.
This forced the All India Kisan Coordination Committee, a platform of more than 200 farmers and agricultural workers organizations to organize the protest, while the so-called unlock process was ongoing. Nearly 30 organisations in Punjab formed a state-level coordination committee and started the continuous struggle in Punjab. The struggle that continues in different forms at the national level and Punjab, it intensified. Protesters occupied railway tracks, started an indefinite sit-in in front of reliance petrol pumps and storehouse/warehouses of Adani. The struggle continued for two months, the union government conspired against this movement and stopped all trains to Punjab including goods trains even though the protesters cleared railway tracks after a few days and they had shifted their dharnas outside the railway platforms. The insensitivity of the union government forced the farmers to intensify the struggle and reach the borders of the national capital. The union government was not serious in deliberations but tried to teach the farmers, imaginary benefits of these acts.
Call of “Delhi Chalo” converted into “Delhi Gherao”
AIKCC in coordination with Punjab coordination committee gave a call to march to Delhi on 26 and 27 November, announced in September 2020. It was decided that due to the limitations of public transport only neighbouring states to Delhi will march and others will organise protests in their respective states. This date coincides with the All India Strike called by central trade unions. Trade unions also supported the call and decided to march to Delhi on the 27th of November, along with the farmers. Working-class organised a successful strike on the 26th, with a complete rural strike by farmers and agricultural workers.
Peasants from various parts of Punjab started on 25th November for Delhi. In the meantime, the infamous Chief Minister of Haryana threatened farmers that Punjab farmers will not be allowed to enter Haryana. Haryana farmers took this challenge and broke many barricades within the state before the Punjab farmers entered Haryana.
The courage of the farmers withstood the police atrocities and after a daylong struggle entered Delhi breaking all barricades, braving tear gas, water cannons, on different points of Punjab-Haryana. There are very rare examples in history when police have dug trenches on the road to stop farmers from marching. Protesters have been sitting at the borders of two national highways for the last seven days. The protesting farmers have blocked two more Highways Delhi-Uttar Pradesh border of Ghaziabad and Delhi-Uttar Pradesh Border at Noida. New Jathas are joining the protest sites daily and many farmer organisations are joining the ongoing struggle. The attitude of the union government is doubtful and indifferent. It is using all its force and tactics to divide the movement. Nevertheless, the movement itself has unified the Indian rural people as never before.
Efforts by the BJP to Stop the Struggle
The malicious campaign by the government and BJP IT cell tried to portray the mass struggle as a conspiracy of Khalistan but failed miserably. Then came the claim that this is only the struggle of Punjab farmers with the twin purpose of dividing the movement and undermining the countrywide issue of farmers.
As it was a conscious decision to march only from surrounding states of Delhi, Farmers from Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh are part of Delhi march. It should be acknowledged that the major portion of the Mobilization is from Punjab and the intensity of struggle in Punjab and Haryana is much higher than the rest of India. The farmers from these two states would be severely affected as the procurement infrastructure in these two states is very good. More than 95 per cent paddy farmers in Punjab and about 70 per cent farmers in Haryana are covered under procurement operations while in other major rice-producing states like Uttar Pradesh (3.6%), West Bengal (7.3%) Odisha (20.6%) and Bihar (1.7%), very small number of rice farmers benefit from procurement operations. Uttar Pradesh is the biggest producer of wheat but only around 11-12% of its production gets procured by the government.
It is argued that the farmers are misguided and protests are the opposition inspired, a lie parroted even by Narendra Modi. This argument falls flat, as the oldest ally of NDA, Akali Dal has left NDA and their single Minister resigned from the union cabinet. In Haryana, JJP allies of BJP have demanded the repeal of farm laws. Hanuman Beniwal, an ally of BJP was forced to raise his contention against the government. This is not a movement of one organisation or party but is a mass movement of farmers getting broader support from the public throughout India and abroad. The residents of Delhi are whole heartedly supporting the agitations. Local hotels and residents have opened their doors for agitators. Different civic society organizations, organizations of students, youth, women, teachers etc have rendered their complete support and help. Despite the protesters having ample supply of ration and other eatables with them, locals have started langars at protest sites. To cite an example, one village of Rohtak, Haryana has sent 2500 litres of milk to Tikri Border in a single day. Two teams of Doctors one from West Bengal and other from Telangana and Doctors from Delhi have started their camps at the protest sites.
Society is uniting on the issue and standing with farmers but the elected government have different plans. Different Ministers under the leadership of the Prime Minister are taking a position against farmers. Under the pressure of agitation, the union government was forced to start deliberations and prepone the negotiations from their mysterious announced date of December 3rd. The government was also forced to call the leadership of AIKCC for discussion against their primary position of invitation only to Punjab leadership aimed at dividing the leadership. The first round of talks with the government on December 1st has proved inconclusive. Farmer leaders rejected the government proposal to form a 5-member committee to look into the objections and study the concerns. They told the government that such Committees led to no results and outcomes in the past. The AIKSCC has given a call to intensify the farmer’s agitation across the country.
The lines in the battlefield are drawn with two very clear sides. On one side are the farmers and other forces who want to save the public sector, and on the other side are the BJP government, which has redefined the slogan of ‘Jai Jawan-Jai Kisan’, and their corporate allies. While the jawan is at the border saving the country from external threats, the BJP-led union government is forcing farmers to sit at the border of the national capital. This agitation has exposed the BJP and its allies completely; it has also challenged the politics of Hindutva, which aims to divide people as per religious and caste lines. The attack on the lives and livelihood have united people across the religions, castes, states and political affiliation. The only way to fight BJP and its politics is through people’s struggles. The farmers are gearing up for the militant struggle in the coming days, the working class is joining them, and the rest of the public is on the streets. The victory of the struggle is inevitable and the heroic struggle will be remembered for a long time.
Dr. Vikram Singh is the Joint Secretary of the All India Agricultural Workers’ Union and a former General Secretary of the Students’ Federation of India (SFI).
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