Awai Qarni
This year, the activities around the ‘Students’ Union Restoration March’ took place on November 27. A few days before on November 23, the Federal Education Minister announced the closure of educational institutions for one month due to the increasing cases of the coronavirus-infected. Although a continuation of the last two years’ student marches, this year’s activities did have some important hallmarks.
Any close observer of Pakistan’s student politics would remember that the last two marches had shuddered the echelons of power. Held in more than 55 cities across the country, the marches demanded a single thing initially: to lift the 36 years’ long ban on students’ unions in Pakistan’s campuses. Thousands of students demonstrated their immense power on the streets, compelling government officials to at least verbally accept the constitutional demands of the students — to have our own unions. As a result, bills were presented and deliberated in various provincial assemblies regarding the restoration of students’ unions.
However, the government, through traditional political intrigues, convoluted the entire discussion with arguments about ‘codes of conduct’. Soon after that, the struggle and the discourse around it were pushed to the background with the coming of the pandemic. Behind the façade of COVID-19 and using its excuse, the government also initiated some new draconian, anti-student measures in the country.
The budget for the HEC (Higher Education Commission) was cut by half and online education was initiated in spite of the evident lack of internet and IT infrastructure in most parts of the country. Regardless of suspension of classes, not only did the authorities forcibly collect fees, but it was also increased exponentially. Horrible incidents of sexual harassment also surged during the period, and the scholarships for students from far-flung and backward areas of the country were abolished. The string of oppressive measures continues but resistance against these measures has also expanded equally.
Students in Pakistan are fighting a daring battle against online classes, as poor IT infrastructure and wide-ranging internet accessibility render it impossible for them to avail education. In the same way, from Balochistan to Peshawar and Gilgit, they are also fighting against harassment on their university campuses. Students from Balochistan and ex-Fata held a successful long-march against the abolition of reserved seats and scholarships; medical students are also flexing their muscles against the new oppressive administrative orders. Students’ reprisal against all kinds of oppression is a reflection of the deep-set social unrest that hitherto hadn’t expressed itself openly. It was such circumstances that gave an extraordinary aura to this year’s Students’ Union Restoration March.
Students’ Action Committee: Fighting Ayub Khan and Zia Ul Haq, to Imran Khan
Last year, a big success for the students’ movement was the establishment of the ‘Students’ Action Committee’. Many such committees had mushroomed in numerous cities across the country. These steps have had some historical importance and their roots can be traced back to the marvellous students-workers’ movement of 1968. This history of sacrifice and astounding struggle stretches from the fight against Ayub Khan’s dictatorship to the fight against the reactionary Zia-dictatorship. The ruling classes were so terrified of the student organisations and their various progressive alliances that the cowardly Zia Ul Haq had to impose an altogether ban on students’ unions in 1984. At the same time, one must note that the subsequent ‘democratic’ governments too not only kept the ban intact, but also initiated other criminal steps which further depoliticised Pakistan’s student community and pushed them towards reactionary tendencies. In 2007, despite the ban on the students union, the Students’ Action Committee fought a formidable struggle against the Musharraf-dictatorship. It is ironic that at the time, the meetings of the Students’ Action Committee used to be held at Imran Khan’s (the current Prime Minister) Lahore residence. In Pakistan every ruler, whenever they’ve been in opposition, have exploited the students’ power for their own means and interests, and when come into power, they subject those same students to severe repression.
The heritage of the Students’ Action Committees is not confined to a specific era, region or country. It engulfs all the struggles of the youth and students against oppression anywhere in the world, including the sacrifice and selfless struggles of students in Pakistan spanning almost five decades. Despite all the regressive obstacles, the formation of the present Committee has been a huge step forward. The formation of democratic structures plays a significant role in any socio-political movement — on the one hand, the formation of the Committees in various cities has proved to be a timely effort, and on the other, it has demonstrated its potential to organise and mobilise students, and successfully arrange the activities of 27th November. It’s evident, therefore, that it would play an important part in all the upcoming struggles.
In view of the closure of educational institutions for a month, the students, especially women, who used to be hostellers, have been confined to their homes. Economic hardships have risen immensely that even the basic necessities of life are out of reach for many — consequently, students have had to return to their homes. In this regard, the watchword for the November 27th march was the discontinuation of online classes, in an atmosphere of poor infrastructural facilities. It’s certain that more students would come out onto the streets in the future against these measures. We also consider this a grounding for upcoming student movements in the country. For till the educational process is brought to function normally, political education will remain important to make students reach that end.
Our Way Forward
The pandemic is posing a great challenge this year. While the movement demands sacrifices and selflessness, its proper planning of the battle that would guarantee success. In this regard, there must be a meticulous analysis of our objective conditions in order to develop a coherent perspective about things. During the meeting too, in which the decision regarding the November 27th march was taken, these were the points that were raised. Members of the Revolutionary Students Front (RSF) told the Committee that special arrangements had to be made this time keeping in mind the pandemic and related restrictions.
Definitely, it was last year’s Student Solidarity March that ignited the discussion around Students’ Unions in Pakistan. However, we still have a long way to go and many students are still unaware of the importance of students’ unions — so much so that they can’t differentiate between students’ unions and student organisations. We, therefore, need to spread awareness, write and speak more about these, and propagate our ideas regarding these important institutions. Social media has proved to be a good platform for this purpose and we must use this time duration to conduct online seminars and study circles primarily for spreading ideas and cadre building. In this way, we may be able to develop an informed leadership for Pakistan’s youth and students. Even in the presence of impressive qualities, individuals can never be a substitute for collective leadership — for only the latter can further embellish the personal qualities of individuals.
If we have a collective of informed activists, as the current situation returns to normal, massive public gatherings can be held in major metropolises across Pakistan regarding our one main issue: the restoration of students’ unions. We believe that this process would bring up a cap of politically conscious students with a deep understanding of the history of students’ unions, what their role has been so far, as well as its potential in contemporary Pakistan.
Awais Qarni is a former MPhil scholar and a representative of the Revolutionary Students Front (RSF), one of the 30 groups organising the students’ solidarity marches in Pakistan demanding the restoration of students unions, education fee cuts and batter education facilities. He is currently the Executive Editor of Asian Marxist Review and is based in Islamabad.
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