Kaushiki Datta Choudhury
The pandemic has brought with itself an unprecedented situation worldwide — and while many responsible governments are trying their best to strengthen their healthcare infrastructure and to provide essential commodities to the people freely, the Indian government has chosen this time to suspend the Opposition from the Parliament and bring about as many new policies as possible, at a time when these will be met with little resistance.
Among these new Bills, Acts and policies is the new National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, and as many of us know by now, it is about to take us for a ride. This change in the country’s education policy is after around 34 years and it has been received with a general sense of confusion and debate about whether it actually is effective or not. One glance at the new NEP will tell you that it is full of lofty ambitions. But that’s all right, there is no harm in shooting high — only, a deeper study of it clearly unveils its sinister nature. Between fancy words and supposedly well-meaning lines are unspoken meanings which might not be as favourable to all as one might wish.
One of the first words one would encounter in the document is ‘multidisciplinary learning’, which as a concept sounds great, but will it not essentially dilute subjects? Will the foundation of research and specialisation not be weakened, and greatly so, by this? What about the wholesome, deep study of a single discipline?
Simultaneously, there is a major attempt at ‘centralisation of research’. The topic, funding or grant of any research work would now be allocated by the Centre, leaving little to no freedom or autonomy to the researchers themselves.
Another of the apparent high points of the policy is the ‘Foreign University Bill’, whereby foreign universities will be welcome to set up their campuses in the country. Sounds amazing? Sure, but only for the elite, urban, upper-class families who can in fact afford these new universities.
At the same time, the policy speaks of how the procedure for the foundation of higher educational institutes has been made easier. But this is as long as the institutions are able to show due financial backing, which clearly means that there would be less government-funded, quality educational institutions, and a lot more ‘Jio Universities’.
Another highly discussed point is that of the ‘Exit Plans’ — a student can complete a 3 years’ course in 1 or 2 years, and can walk out with a diploma degree. By introducing this, the government instead of looking into the reasons for the country’s high dropout rates, they’re shamelessly legitimising it; putting the responsibility on individuals, instead of on the the deep-rooted systems of oppression.
Internships are also emphasised upon greatly. However, here’s the deal about unpaid internships — you can only get an unpaid internship for ‘skill-development’ only if you can afford to engage your time and effort for free. A majority of the Indian population cannot do this and are forced to work for a living. This gives the former an upper hand when it comes to finding jobs with their ‘newly developed skills’.
The policy mentions “social workers” who would work alongside teachers and guardians for students, but there is no explanation regarding their appointments. How will these social workers be recruited? Will they be government employees or private? Where will their funding come from? There is no clarity about any of this as yet.
Such a model gives financial autonomy to institutions, paving way for more and more self-financing courses and hike in fees, as well as cuts in scholarships. It aims at building homogenous ‘commodities’ for the Indian market, and not actual brains that would engage in critical thinking. This system will pave the way for blatant moral policing under the guise of ‘cultural ethics’, and yet, says nothing about sex education or reproductive health. It focuses on Sanskrit as a language of national heritage, but languages like Bengali miss the cut. It speaks of a plan of smart digital classrooms, when the majority of Indians lack the bare minimum in terms of technological infrastructure. The flaws in the plan are endless but it has successfully been hailed as a revolutionary step by some on social media.
With a raging pandemic and related restrictions, students on the verge of dropping out, scholarships and fellowships out of reach for many and families struggling to make ends meet, there isn’t a single word in the policy about providing relief. There is no mention of the need for a secular education nor about student unions or maintaining campus democracy.
The idea of a homogenised education system will work only when there is homogenised, high quality infrastructure to support it — which is still a distant dream in India. How much of those policies mentioned in the document are actual educational reforms and how much of it only to serve the agenda of the Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan? What seems to be the basis of NEP 2020 is the blatant commodification of Indian education, along with its centralisation and communalisation.
Coupled with this is the new system of online education — which already stands as a barrier between many students and academics. Even at a time when the pandemic has caused many families to lose their modes of employment, both the central government and the state government of West Bengal have refused to provide any relief; most students cannot afford to pay for smart devices or the data packs that are now asked of them, and thus the dropout rates have also gone significantly up. Both the BJP and the TMC governments are occupied with their communal narratives and agendas regarding the Ram Mandir, Brahmin-Bhata and more, with educational advancement clearly the last thing on their minds. No provision has been made to provide regular mid-day meals to students, nor has there been any efforts to provide enough educational equipment.
In a political scenario like this, it is only the Students’ Federation of India (SFI) which has consistently demanded that no money must be charged for admission forms this year. A fierce movement following this demand has brought it into fruition and it has been a relief to all the students. Activists of SFI, by visiting those in need and setting up free markets and community kitchens, have made great attempts to stand with the students in these dark times. Moreover, study materials and other kits were also made available to students by the organisation. Opposing its imposition at all levels, SFI has also made its stand about NEP quite clear.
It’s in trying situations such as this that we realise the true intentions of people and the organisations led by them — while some have tried to use this time to suit their own narrow agendas, most progressive, left-wing organisations from around the country have tried to stand with the students – both socially and politically. More importantly, the active participation and appreciation of the student community in various places have proved that this is the kind of responsible organisation that they seek.
Kaushiki Datta Choudhury is a student at Presidency University, Kolkata.
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